Howard Zinn değerli bir yazar, akademisyen, aktivist, ve filozof. Okurken sadece Amerika’yı değil kendi
ülkenizi de daha iyi anlıyorsunuz. Amerika’ya sallamanın değil, Amerika’yı ve dünyayı anlamanın peşinde olanlar için vazgeçilmez bir kaynak Zinn Kitapları. Aktarılacak çok not ve yazısı var. Bu kitabın notlarını içindeki bölümlere ayırarak çıkartmışım. Kısaltarak buraya koyuyorum.
Önsöz
“When a soldier falls in battle, we pick up his gun.
When a comrade dies in the struggle for nonviolent revolution, we try to pick
up his dreams.” Staughton Lynd
Altmışlar Amerika’nın ateşli zamanları. 1964 yazında Amerika’da
ortaya çıkan Freedom School hareketi. Eğitim reformları tarihinde kendine has
devrimci bir deney. Mississipi başta olmak üzere Güney eyaletlerinde 2 ay boyunca her yaştan zenci çocuk ve
gençlere sıradışı bir eğitim verilir. İçerik 3 ana konuya sahip: Normal
dersler, vatandaşlık hakları ve eğlenceli aktiviteler. Neden sadece o seneyle
sınırlı kalmış araştıracağım.
The Freedom Schools’ challenge to the social structure of
Mississippi was obvious from the start. Its challenge to American education as
a whole is more subtle. There is, to begin with, the provocative suggestion
that an entire school system can be created in any community outside the
official order, and critical of its suppositions.
Are we for the law? Is there a higher law? When is civil
disobedience justified? Then the teacher explored with them the differences
between statutory law, constitutional law, “natural” law.
Periyodik olarak oy vermekle
demokrasinin yaşatılamayacağı, hükümet üzerinde mutlaka sürekli ve etkili bir
güç odağı oluşturulması gerektiği konusu tartışılıyor. Bunun hangi yöntem ve
araçlarla yapılacağı tartışılırken nonviolent direct action önerilmiş.
There are lessons in this, I believe, far beyond the race
crisis in the United States, and I want to explore some of them. My point is
that gradualism, even in that presumed mecca of reform, the U.S.A., never
really has matched the push of events, and that today the momentum of world
change has made it even less able to do so. Thus, none of the
traditionally approved mechanisms for social change (not war, nor revolution,
nor reform) is adequate for the kind of problems we face today in the
United States and in the world. We need apparently some technique which is more
energetic than parliamentary reform and yet not subject to the dangers which
war and revolution pose in the atomic age.
No form of government, once in power, can be trusted to
limit its own ambition, to extend freedom and to wither away. This means that
it is up to the citizenry, those outside of power, to engage in permanent
combat with the state, short of violent, escalatory revolution, but beyond the
gentility of the ballot-box, to insure justice, freedom and well being, all
those values which virtually the entire world has come to believe in.
Tarihçilerin geçmişin güvenli sularında kalarak topluma
karşı olan görevlerini yapmamaları ve gerçekleri halkın önüne günümüzle
bağlantılı şekilde ortaya koymamaları.
Man is wounded by his history, and we then assume he must be
transfixed by it.
Nietzsche in The Use and Abuse of History attacked
the bullying nature of history and the sterility of academic historiography.
His opening words were quoted from Goethe: “I hate everything that merely
instructs me without increasing or directly quickening my activity.” He called
the formal detached-from-life history of his time “a costly and superfluous
luxury of the understanding” while people “are still in want of the necessaries
of life.”
To define an evil in terms of a specific group
when such an evil is not peculiar to that group but possible anywhere is to
remove responsibility from ourselves.
Teorilerin pratiğe dökülmesi, problemlerin özüne inilmesi, yeni
siyasetin solla sağla uğraşmayıp otoriterliğe karşı olması gerektiği,
gradualism’e teslim olmayıp siyasete siyaset dışında etki edebilecek hızlı ve
etkili organlar kurulması, şiddete başvurulmadan siyasi mekanizmaların hantallığına da teslim
olmadan katılımcılığın ve kontrolün yollarının açılması, adeta siyasi gerilla taktikleri
geliştirilmesi, aksiyona döktüğümüz eylemler bir işe yaramasa da kendimize
katkısı olacağı, özgürlük istiyorsak sorumluluğumuza sahip çıkmamız
gerektiğinden bahsediliyor.
One of the most quoted, and most ignored, in practice, of
Marx’s statements is the eleventh point of his Theses on Feuerbach (about
1845): “The philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways; the
point however is to change it.” Since any body of ideas is part of the world,
this suggests our job is not merely to interpret Marxism and the New Left, but
to change them. Earlier in these Theses, Marx criticized Feuerbach’s
emphasis on “the theoretical attitude.” He said: “Social life is essentially
practical. All mysteries … find their rational solution in human
practice.”
I am asserting that theory must be informed by observation
and expressed in action. It must, in other words, be relevant.
From all this it is quite clear what Marx’s values were; the free man, in his individuality, in his sociality, in his oneness with nature.
The traditional liberal idea of a gradual evolution towards
freedom, peace, and democracy through parliamentary reform is also hardly
tenable.
Perhaps we are in need of political guerrilla tactics in the
face of mass society—in which enclaves of freedom are created here and there in
the midst of the orthodox way of life, to become centers of protest, and
examples to others. It is in techniques of organization, pressure, change,
community-building—that the New Radicals need the most thought, and the most
action. It may take an ingenious combination of energy and wit to carry through
a new kind of revolution.
We never know exactly the depth or the shallowness of the
resistance to our actions—until we act.
if we are to feel our own freedom, we must feel our
responsibility, not for anyone else’s actions, but only for our own; not for
the past and without any pledge to the future—but at this moment, now where we
stand.
The Uses of Scholarship (1969)
Akademisyenler artık topluma borçlarını ödemeli ve
sığındıkları güvenli alanlardan çıkmalı, devletin elindeki askeri güce karşı
toplumun bilgiyi kullanması, teoriye boğulmamış gerçek dünyanın içinde bir
akademi yaratılması, objektivite adı altında eğitimin ve bilginin
ehlileştirilmemesi, uzmanlığa gömülerek bütünün gözden kaçırılmaması,
nötralitenin çarpıtılarak iktidar odaklarına hizmet haline dönüşmemesi,
duygunun bilgiyi harekete geçiren bir unsur olduğu hatırlanarak salt rasyonalizme teslim olunmaması
“We publish while others perish…”
This makes knowledge important, because although it cannot
confront force directly, it can counteract the deception that makes the
government’s force legitimate.
Still we are troubled, because the new urgency to use our
heads for good purposes gets tangled in a cluster of beliefs so stuck,
fungus-like, to the scholar, that even the most activist of us cannot cleanly
extricate ourselves. These beliefs are roughly expressed by the phrases
“disinterested scholarship,” “dispassionate learning,” “objective study,”
“scientific method”—all adding up to the fear that using our intelligence
to further our moral ends is somehow improper.
Specialization insures that one cannot follow a problem
through from start to finish. It ensures the functioning in the academy of the
system’s dictum: divide and rule.
It is time to recall Rousseau: “We have physicists,
geometricians, chemists, astronomers, poets, musicians, and painters in plenty,
but we have no longer a citizen among us.”
True, emotion can distort. But it can also enhance.
Demir Ökçe. Jack London’ın hayatı ve yaşadığı dönemdeki
haksızlıkları fütüristik bir bakış açısıyla eleştirisi.
The greatest violence comes not from protesters and
revolutionaries but from governments. The greatest lawlessness is that of
“law and order.”
The footnotes of The Iron Heel, supposedly written many
centuries later to inform readers of what life was like in the early twentieth
century, still cut deep to fundamental truths: “In those days, thievery was
incredibly prevalent. Everybody stole property from everybody else. The lords
of society stole legally, or else legalized their stealing, while the poorer
classes stole illegally.” In the America of 1970, petty thieves fill the
jails—but Congress and the president approve tax legislation enabling the oil
companies to legally steal millions of dollars from the public.
The Marines and the University (1972)
Zinn döneminde Boston üniversitesinde askere alma masası
kurulmasına karşı protestolar ve üniversitenin iktidar kuklası rektörü John
Silber’in yaptığı hainliklerin hikayesi özelinde akademik baskılar konu ediliyor.
There is a good deal to say about John Silber doing what
some intellectuals have done throughout history—finding a comfortable protected
niche which the going order is willing to finance, in return for filling the
heads of the younger generation with the most important lessons that the order
wants them to learn
Philosophers are sometimes annoyed by the intrusion of facts
into comfortably vague generalizations.
Is not respect for human life more important than respect
for law?
If you are lethal but legal, you will be welcome at
Boston University; if you are nonviolent but illegal, the police will be called
out to disperse you (violently). Silber’s standard of legality is
appropriate, not for the independent thinker in a democracy, but for the
obsequious servant of the overbearing state.
David Hume, back in the eighteenth century, who brought
Locke back to earth and history by pointing out: “Almost all the governments
which exist at present, or of which there remains any record in history, have
been founded originally, either on usurpation or conquest, or both, without any
pretense of a fair consent or voluntary subjection of the people.”
We are always surprised when educated people don’t
understand simple, clear concepts, but that is because the brightest people
strain their perceptions through a mesh of interest, position, role.
A truly free university would not celebrate obedience, for
obedience is what has enabled governments to send young men by the millions to
die in war. It would celebrate resistance and disobedience, because the world,
so full of authoritarianism, so full of policemen, so racked with injustice and
violence, needs rebels badly. It would admire not that technical intellectual
efficiency which ignores the fate of human beings far away or near, but that
combination of sense and sensibility one finds in good people everywhere,
educated or not. It would understand that the most important thing about a
university is not its programs or curricula or any of the accoutrements of the
upward-striving educator, but its soul.
Amerikan devrimi ve özgürlük mücadelesinin perde arkası.
Oy ve Ötesi. Oy vermenin bir çeşit seyircilik olduğu
gerçeği. Demokrasinin seyirciyle değil katılımcıyla yürüyebileceğine dair
örnekler.
Secrecy, Archives, and the Public Interest (1977)
Tarihçilik gibi arşivciliğin de toplumun bilinçlenmesi için
değil iktidardakilerin zarar görmemesi için manipüle edilmesi ve zaman
tahditleri konulması eleştiriliyor. Bilginin toplumsal bir yaşam alanı olması
gerektiği, bizzat normal olanın insanlık suçu haline geldiği bir toplumsal
düzen. Örnekler.
Both in premodern and modern times, the basic combination
for social control has remained the same: force and deception.
The problems of the United States are not peripheral and
have not been met by our genius at reform. They are not the problems of excess,
but of normalcy. Our racial problem is not the Ku Klux Klan or the South, but
our fundamental liberal assumption that paternalism solves all. Our economic
problem is not a depression but the normal functioning of the economy,
dominated by corporate power and profit. Our problem with justice is not a
corrupt judge or bribed jury but the ordinary day-to-day functioning of the
police, the law, the courts, where property rights come before human rights.
Our problem in foreign policy is not a particular mad adventure: the Spanish
American War or the Vietnam War, but a continuous set of suppositions about our
role in the world, involving missionary imperialism, and a belief in America’s ability
to solve complex social problems.
If all this is so, then the normal functioning of
the scholar, the intellectual, the researcher, helps maintain those corrupt
norms in the United States, just as the intellectual in Germany, Soviet Russia,
or South Africa, by simply doing his small job, maintains what is normal in
those societies. And if so, then what we always asked of scholars in those
terrible places is required of us in the United States today: rebellion against
the norm.
I have argued that the crisis of present-day America is not
one of aberration, but of normalcy, that at issue are not marginal characteristics,
but our central operating values: the profit system, racial paternalism,
violence towards those outside our narrow pale. If this is so, then scholarly
passivity, far from being neutral and disinterested, serves those operating
values. What is required then is to wrench ourselves out of our passivity, to
try to integrate our professional lives with our humanity.
“A University Should Not Be a Democracy” (1980)
Üniversitede demokrasi üzerine örnek ve teoriler. Boston
Üniversitesi ve John Silber.
Harvard political scientist Samuel Huntington reported to
the Trilateral Commission—a group of Establishment intellectuals and political
leaders from the United States, Europe, and Japan, assembled by David
Rockefeller and Zbigniew Brzezinski in the early 1970s—on what he called “The
Democratic Distemper.”
We have a responsibility not only to resist, but to build on
the heritage of those movements, and to move toward the ideals of
egalitarianism, community, and self-determination—whether at work, in the
family, or in the schools—which have been the historic unfulfilled promise of
the word democracy.
Louise Bryant. Masses dergisi. “Ten Days that shook the
world”. Emma Goldman. Alexander Berkman. Ludlow Massacre. IWW. Komünizm.
It was clear to him what patriotism meant: death by
machine-gun fire or by famine, by smallpox, diphtheria, cholera, typhus. Back
in America, he listened to the endless talk about military preparedness
against “the enemy,” and wrote for theMasses that the enemy for the
American working man was the 2 percent of the population which owned 60 percent
of the national wealth. “We advocate that the workingman prepare to defend
himself against that enemy. This is our Preparedness.”
By April 1917, Woodrow Wilson was asking Congress to declare
war on Germany, and John Reed wrote in the Masses. “War means an ugly
mob-madness, crucifying the truth-tellers, choking the artists.… It is not our
war.” He testified before Congress against conscription: “I do not believe in
this war … I would not serve in it.”
Marksizm ya da komünizmin başarılı gibi gözüken başarısız
örnekleri. Kuransız uyduruk İslam gibi düşünce sistemlerinin halkın elinde abuk
sabuk formlar alması. 1871 komünü. Gerçek sosyalizm. Noodnik. Pieper.
Marx set a good example himself. While history has treated
him as a sedentary scholar, spending all his time in the library of the British
Museum, Marx was a tireless activist all his life. He was expelled from
Germany, from Belgium, from France, was arrested and put on trial in Cologne.
Marx understood how difficult it was to achieve this,
because, no matter how “revolutionary” we are, the weight of tradition, habit,
the accumulated mis-education of generations, “weighs like a nightmare on the
brain of the living.”
Saçma suçlamaların bu etiketle yöneltilerek, direniş
gösteren insanların tutuklanması.
Örnekler.
I can understand pessimism, but I don’t believe in it. It’s
not simply a matter of faith, but of historical evidence. Not overwhelming
evidence, just enough to give hope, because for hope we don’t need certainty,
only possibility.
Dissent repressed through “tolerance.”
Surely history does not start anew with each decade. The
roots of one era branch and flower in subsequent eras. Human beings, writings,
invisible transmitters of all kinds, carry messages across the generations. I
try to be pessimistic, to keep up with some of my friends. But I think
back over the decades, and look around. And then, it seems to me that the
future is not certain, but it is possible.
How Free is Higher Education? (1991)
Üniversitede çoğulculuk. Örnekler.
And so, under the guise of defending “the common culture” or
“disinterested scholarship” or “Western civilization,” they attack that
freedom. They fear exactly what some of us hope for, that if students are given
wider political choices in the classroom than they get in the polling booth or
the workplace, they may become social rebels. They may join movements for
racial or sexual equality, or against war, or, even more dangerous, work for
what James Madison feared as he argued for a conservative Constitution: “an
equal division of property.” Let us hope so.
En çarpıcı bölüm belki de. Kahraman olarak sunulan
İspanyol’ların Amerika’ya geldiğinde yaptığı Hitler’e rahmet okutacak
zalimlikler bir bir anlatılıyor. Columbus day celebrations. Kitabın hiç değilse
bu bölümü mutlaka okunmalı. Bahama adaları, Las Casas, Columbus (Bahama
adaları), Pizarro (Peru, İnkalar), Cortes (Meksika), Hans Köning, Bill Bigelow,
Falsification of history. Her 10 övgünün yanına bir tane de eleştiri ekleyip, yalancıktan nötralite ve objektivite sergileyerek gerçeği örtbas etme metodu. Endüstrileşmenin bedeli. Kuzey Amerika’ya çıkan
İngilizler.
George Orwell, who was a very wise man, wrote: “Who controls
the past controls the future. And who controls the present controls the past.”
In other words, those who dominate our society are in a position to write
our histories. And if they can do that, they can decide our futures. That is
why the telling of the Columbus story is important.
The dehumanization of the “enemy” has been a necessary
accompaniment to wars of conquest. It is easier to explain atrocities if they
are committed against infidels, or people of an inferior race. Slavery and
racial segregation in the United States, and European imperialism in Asia and
Africa, were justified in this way.
We were not told of the human cost of this great industrial
progress: how the huge production of cotton came from the labor of black
slaves; how the textile industry was built up by the labor of young girls who
went into the mills at twelve and died at twenty-five; how the railroads were
constructed by Irish and Chinese immigrants who were literally worked to death,
in the heat of summer and cold of winter; how working people, immigrants and
native-born, had to go out on strike and be beaten by police and jailed by
National Guardsmen before they could win the eight-hour day; how the children
of the working-class, in the slums of the city, had to drink polluted water,
and how they died early of malnutrition and disease. All this in the name of
“progress.”
Rosa Parks. Geçmişte hiç tahmin edilmeyen olayların olması, geleceğin
belirsizliği içinden de benzerlerinin çıkacağını gösterir ki bu da iyimser
olmak için yeterli bir nedendir diyor Zinn. Bol örnek. Just and unjust wars
ayrımı.
Lock the Lock, Tommy Trantino. Durum o kadar da çaresiz
değil. “The Lore of the Lamb".
Clinton’ın şahsi bir seks skandalı için bunca gürültü
yaratılırken, milyonların ölümüne yol açan yalanların geçiştirilmesi
eleştiriliyor harika örneklerle.
This preoccupation illustrated perfectly the proclivity of
the American media to fasten on the trivial at the expense of life-and-death matters.
Sosyalist lider Eugene Debs’in yirminci yüzyılın başında
Amerika’da yaşadıkları. Kate Richards. IWW’nin kuruluşu.
Debs made a speech in Canton, Ohio in support of the men and
women in jail for opposing the war. He told his listeners: “Wars
throughout history have been waged for conquest and plunder.… And that is war
in a nutshell. The master class has always declared the wars; the subject class
has always fought the battles.”
“While there is a lower class, I am in it. While there is a
criminal element, I am of it. While there is a soul in prison, I am not free.”
Marx in soho. Esoteric political economy. Alternatif medyaya
yönelmek.
Keep your eyes open for unorthodox sources of information,
Yahudi Soykırımının ele alınmasına farklı bir bakış.
Soykırımın güncel konuları dışlayıp sadece o tarihe odaklanması. O dönem yapılanlara olduğu kadar bu
dönem yapılanlara karşı bir hareket olarak da ayağa kalkması gerektiği. Geçmişe
gidilmeli ama oradan geri dönülmelidir diyor.
the memory of the Jewish Holocaust should not be encircled
by barbed wire, morally ghettoized, kept isolated from other genocides in
history. It seemed to me that to remember what happened to Jews served no
important purpose unless it aroused indignation, anger, action against all
atrocities, anywhere in the world.
When Jews turn inward to concentrate on their own history,
and look away from the ordeal of others, they are, with terrible irony, doing
exactly what the rest of the world did in allowing the genocide to happen.
There were shameful moments, travesties of Jewish humanism, as when Jewish
organizations lobbied against a Congressional recognition of the Armenian
Holocaust of 1915 on the ground that it diluted the memory of the Jewish
Holocaust. The designers of the Holocaust Museum dropped the idea of mentioning
the Armenian genocide after lobbying by the Israeli government.
Devletin büyütülmesi sorunu. Her işe karışan, bireyselliğe
saldıran bir yapı olarak. Tarihten ve anayasadan örnekler. Büyüklüğün
vatandaşına zor gününde sahip çıkılmasıyla olabileceği. Herkesi kucaklaması
gerektiği.
The Declaration of Independence, which is the quintessential
document of democracy, discusses the origin and purpose of government. It says
that we are all endowed “with certain unalienable rights, that among these are
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”
Adam Smith, considered the apostle of the “free market,”
understood very well how capitalism could not survive a truly free market, if
government was not big enough to protect it.
For all of the nation’s history, that legislative pattern
was to continue. Government would defend the interests of the wealthy classes.
It would raise tariffs higher and higher to help manufacturers, give subsidies
to shipping interests, and a hundred million acres of land free to the
railroads. It would use the armed forces to clear Indians off their land, to
put down labor uprisings, to invade countries in the Caribbean for the benefit
of American growers, bankers, investors. This was very big government.
“Big government” in itself is hardly the issue. That is here
to stay. The only question is: whom will it serve?
Silent genocide. Hastalık ve yetersiz beslenme sonucu her yıl
ölen milyonlar için Dünya Bankasının
kullandığı terim. Clinton’ın Çeçen savaşında Rusya’yı desteklemesi. AIDS,
tüberküloz.
The World Bank called a “silent genocide,” the deaths by
malnutrition and sickness of millions of children.
1999 Seattle olayları değerlendiriliyor. Medya
manipülasyonları. Underclass struggle.
The Seattle protests, even if only a microcosm of future
situations, even if only a gleam of possibility in the disheartening dark of
our time, should cause us to recall basic principles of power and
powerlessness, so easily forgotten as the flood of media nonsense washes over
the history of social movements.
The strike, the boycott, the refusal to serve, the ability
to paralyze the functioning of a complex social structure—these remain potent
weapons against the most fearsome state or corporate power. Note how General
Motors and Ford had to surrender to the strikers of the Thirties, how black
children marching in Birmingham in 1963 pushed Congress into passing a Civil
Rights Act, how the U.S. government, carrying on a war in Vietnam had to
reconsider in the face of draft resistance and desertions en masse, how a
garbage workers strike in New York immobilized a great city, how the threat of
a boycott against Texaco for racist policies brought immediate concessions.
The Greatest Generation? (2001)
Her neslin kendini özel ve seçilmiş hissetmesi durumu.
The Founding Fathers did lead the war for independence from
Britain. But they did not do it for the equal right of all to life, liberty,
and equality. Their intention was to set up a new government that would protect
the property of slave-owners, land speculators, merchants, and
bondholders. Independence from England had already been secured in parts of the
country by grassroots rebellion a year before the battles at Lexington and
Concord that initiated hostilities with Britain.
I would rather recognize the greatness of all those who
fought to make sure that the Founding Fathers would not betray the principles
of the Declaration of Independence, to make sure that the dead and maimed
of the Revolutionary War did not make their sacrifices in vain. And so I would
honor the soldiers of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey lines, who mutinied
against George Washington and Mad Anthony Wayne. They were rebelling against
the luxurious treatment of their gentry officers, and their own mistreatment:
five hundred lashes for misconduct, Washington decreed, and execute a few
mutinous leaders to set an example.
9/11. Felaketi siper almak.
İkna olmaya teşne olma hali. Esas mücadele edilmesi gereken
bu: Obsequiousness.
Kendini büyük bir ulus olarak görmenin götürdüğü kolay
kandırılabilirlik şeklindeki kollektif psikoloji. İçinde kolaycılık da gizli.
It seems to me there are two reasons, which go deep into our
national culture, and which help explain the vulnerability of the press and of
the citizenry to outrageous lies whose consequences bring death to tens of
thousands of people. If we can understand those reasons, we can guard ourselves
better against being deceived.
One is in the dimension of time, that is, an absence of
historical perspective. The other is in the dimension of space, that is, an
inability to think outside the boundaries of nationalism. We are penned in by
the arrogant idea that this country is the center of the universe,
exceptionally virtuous, admirable, superior.
If we don’t know history, then we are ready meat for
carnivorous politicians and the intellectuals and journalists who supply the
carving knives. I am not speaking of the history we learned in school, a
history subservient to our political leaders, from the much-admired Founding
Fathers to the presidents of recent years. I mean a history which is honest
about the past. If we don’t know that history, then any president can stand up
to the battery of microphones, declare that we must go to war, and we will have
no basis for challenging him. He will say that the nation is in danger, that
democracy and liberty are at stake, and that we must therefore send ships and
planes to destroy our new enemy, and we will have no reason to disbelieve him.
Our present leaders are not so candid. They bombard us with
phrases like “national interest,” “national security,” and “national defense”
as if all of these concepts applied equally to all of us, colored or white,
rich or poor, as if General Motors and Halliburton have the same interests as
the rest of us, as if George Bush has the same interest as the young man or
woman he sends to war.
Our leaders have taken it for granted, and planted that
belief in the minds of many people, that we are entitled, because of our moral
superiority, to dominate the world.
Franklin Roosevelt’in efsane olmuş reform hareketleri. New
Deal.
Franklin Roosevelt and his policies enjoy in this country,
an admiration matched by no president since Lincoln.
“We can learn from the Social Security program and the G.I.
Bill of Rights, which were efficient government programs, doing for older
people and for veterans what private enterprise could not do. We can go beyond
the New Deal, extending the principle of Social Security to health security
with a totally free government-run health system. We can extend the G.I. Bill
of Rights to a Civilian Bill of Rights, offering free higher education for all.
Amerika’nın hem açıktan hem gizliden imparatorluk siyaseti izlemesi.
